林宜亭:Does Israel Have Right to Use Force Against Iran?

(編註:原文題目為Does Israel Have Right to Use Force Against Iran According to Prime Minister Netanyahu’s Speech at the United Nations General Assembly? )

林宜亭Christine Ie-Ting Lin*

In the speech delivered by the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to the United Nations General Assembly on 27 Sep 2012, Netanyahu made it clear that Iran’s development on nuclear weapon impose a threat to the security of Israel, and Israel has the right to use force against Iran as soon as Iran’s uranium enrichment programme reaches an 80% level of completion[1]. The issues addressed here are what are the conditions for a state to legally exercise the military action against other states under the current international legal framework, and does the current situation entitle Israel to invoke such right under international law?

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譚偉恩:BSE及其風險分類之探析 – 在公共衛生與貿易自由間進退維谷

美國農業部(Dept. of Agriculture)在今年4月24日確認其監測系統在該國加州中部發現一起非典型的(atypical)牛隻腦部海綿狀病變(Bovine spongiform encephalopathy, BSE)之病例,即俗稱的狂牛症(mad cow disease)。由於患病的牛隻是一頭用來提供乳製品的乳牛,而非待宰殺供消費者食用之肉牛,因此農業部在通報世界動物衛生組織(World Organization for Animal Health, OIE)的報告中表示,這起病例絕不會在食品供應鏈上產生任何有害於人體健康的風險。農業部下設的動物與植物衛生檢驗署(Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service, APHIS)隨後開始對這起病例進行調查與追蹤,並進一步確認此病例與使用動物飼料所導致的BSE無關。OIE目前官方網站上所公佈的資訊也接受美國的說法;因此,這起4月份的最新病例並不會影響先前OIE對美國狂牛症風險等級的分類:被控制的BSE 風險(controlled BSE risk)。換句話說,依照目前的國際衛生與貿易制度來看,美國肉牛的生產和其在國際市場的供應不會因此病例而受到任何影響。

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蔡沛倫:Hamdan v United States

Pei-Lun Tsai
Ph.D. student, School of Law,
University of Nottingham

On 16 October 2012, the United States (US) Court of Appeals District of Columbia Circuit reversed the decision of the US Military Commission convicting Salim Ahmed Hamdan, Osama bin Ladan’s former personal driver and bodyguard, for material support for terrorism and ordered the conviction be vacated.  In addition, Hamdan was also the petitioner of a famous 2006 US Supreme Court case, Hamdan v Rumsfeld.  Different aspects of the law of war were involved in these two judgments, and this contribution attempts to briefly introduce the background and the 2006 Supreme Court case, identify the main issues in the 2012 Court of Appeals case, and outline the responses to the judgement so far.

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李柏翰、黃海寧、羅勝軒:外本勞基本工資脫鉤政策是否違反國際規範之初步分析

李柏翰:東吳大學法學院法律研究所國際法組四年級
黃海寧:國立臺灣大學法律研究所國際法組二年級
羅勝軒:東吳大學法學院法律研究所國際法組碩士

壹、     前言

有關日前行政院勞委會登廣告指出:「我國為世界貿易組織(WTO)成員,且各國簽訂自由貿易協定(FTA)時,必含勞動條款,外勞如不適用基本工資,恐將因違反國際經貿組織的公平貿易原則,不僅不利推動與外國簽訂自由貿易協定,並易遭致國際勞工組織或消費者團體的抵制,產品出口受限,反而影響我國經濟發展。」

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譚偉恩:Food Insecurity – Why is it the Common Threat to Powers & How do We Deal with It?

Wei-en Tan
Member of Slow Food, NYC

Reducing greenhouse gases (GHGs) and designing the Post-Kyoto Climate Regime tend to dominate discussions on climate change so far.[1] But to the booming world population, one emerging issue caused by climate change may be even more worth noting and demand no delay: food insecurity.

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林永樂:Those Islands Belong to Taiwan

(本文於 2012年10月18日刊登於 Foreign Policy 網站,請點選連結觀看原文

The longstanding territorial dispute over the Diaoyutai Islands has once again flared up.  The Japanese government’s recent unilateral move on Sept. 11, 2012 to “nationalize” three of the islands, known as “Senkaku” in Japanese, through a purported “purchase” has reignited tensions in East Asia. But while most attention has focused on the standoff between China and Japan, the Diaoyutai Islands actually form an inherent part of the territory of the Republic of China (Taiwan) based on the islands’ geographical location, geological structure, relevant historical evidence, and international law. Japan’s claim over the islands simply does not stand up to close scrutiny.

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邵漢儀:The Inconvenient Truth Behind the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands

全文轉自Nicholas Kristof 於紐約時報之部落格

Diaoyu Island is recorded under Kavalan, Taiwan in Revised Gazetteer of Fujian Province (1871).Diaoyu Island is recorded under Kavalan, Taiwan in Revised Gazetteer of Fujian Province (1871).

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李慶平:保釣運動與愛盟的時代意義

李慶平

前中國廣播公司總經

四十年前在美國、台灣、香港所發展的保衛釣魚台運動,似乎很遙遠的事了,但對現今六、七十歲,曾在美國留學及在台灣讀大學的知識分子,因為受過保釣運動的洗禮,對年輕時期參與過的愛國運動,仍留下一份激情、一份回憶、一份反思。四十年的歲月,因時間的拉長,有了一定的距離後,可以將這一個為爭國家主權、保國土的運動,看得更清楚,也可根據更多史實的披露,加以詮釋及評價。

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邵漢儀:保釣責任/捍衛釣島 先說服日本人民

釣魚台紛爭越演越烈,中華民國、日本、中國大陸各說各話,沒有交集。我國必須更主動、更開創性提出和平雙贏之方案。畢竟釣魚台是台灣屬島,我國不能置身在外。欲使日本接受我方「東海和平倡議」,必須採取攻心為上之策。

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王冠雄:東海和平倡議的主權權利觀

本文刊載於旺報,2012-09-24

馬總統於8月5日提出「東海和平倡議」,呼籲相關各方自我克制、擱置爭議、和平處理爭端、研訂東海行為準則、建立合作開發機制。可以見到馬總統在「東海和平倡議」背後思維,仍強調我國擁有釣魚台列嶼主權,一貫的主張未有絲毫的改變。同時為了避免未來發生衝突的可能性,建立合作開發資源的機制,應是當前最務實的考慮。

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